Schwerpunkt: (Post-)Jugoslawische Zeitgeschichte
Bildungsschichten in Serbien. Zwischen Volksaufklärung und Mythologisierung der Nation
The phenomenon of the importance of the "three P's": Priests, Poets and Philosophers in the rise of ethnonationalism appears to be a specific element of Serbian society. The text tries to depict the historical foundations of the relationship of the intellectual elite towards the "people" as crucial for its self-image. This relationship develops in two directions: on the one hand the "Serbian people" are turned into objects in the scholars´scientific studies. On the other hand, "the people" inherite the core moral values of the Serbian nation. The discovery of the national collective and the claim to leadership by the scholars is illustrated by the journeys of three protagonists of the intellectual elite to the new territories of the Serbian state at the end of the 19th century. Their perception of the "new territories" in their scientific work is not without material consequences, it is especially in this period one of the crucial prerequisites for defining national borders with all its tragic aftermaths. The description of the development of the intellectual elite and its self-image as the only relevant interpreter of the "vox populi", is one of the conditions for grasping its function in the crisis of the Yugoslavian society.
Die Interpretation des religiösen Bekenntniswechsels bei der Herausbildung des serbischen Nationalbewusstseins
In shedding light on the role of religious conversion in the formation process of the Serb national mind-set it is necessary to conceptualise and clarify the religious element in its basis. In the next step religious differences and intolerance as its components are perceived, and within that context the issue of religious conversions are tackled, which are justifiably considered the basis of religious myths. Popular myths and tales offer a lot of material for the study of religious conversion as a momentous event in the world in which religious identity was of primary importance. Notwithstanding the importance of oral culture, we concentrate on those whose role was to create the Serb national mind-set, by using, among other things, the folk narrative, that is, on the role taken on by Serb writers, poets, scientists, and historians. Although secularisation, modernisation and planned atheisation in the 20th century repressed religious feelings, the nationalisms of the Serbs and their neighbours have already been built on historical memory and cultural-political models imitating those religious feelings.
Jeder Tag war "Allgemeine Volksverteidigung" (ONO). Zur militaristischen Kultur und Gewalterziehung im sozialistischen Jugoslawien (SFRJ) 1945-1990
The article discusses the framework of civil-military relations, focusing on the conception of "ONO". A study of civil-military relations and their social and political consequences constitutes a largely under-developed concern of the analysis on former Yugoslavia. The "ONO" is rarely taken into account during violent processes such as the wars in the 1990s, for instance. Moreover, it can be taken for granted and this is also proved by the post-Yugoslav wars, far from being a 'marginal' structure or 'collateral' phenomenon, the socialist doctrine of "ONO" had more influence on formations of violence in the 90s than most scholars would like to believe. However, the subject of analysis isthe development of ONO in peacetime, with special focus on the role of civil-military relations for violent interactions, their elements of military education, and their post-socialist consequences.
"Offensichtlich war sie mutiger als wir alle". Angela Vode und ihr politisches und feministisches Engagement im Kontext der slowenischen Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts
Angela Vode (1892 - 1985) was one of the first and most active feminists in Slovenia during the inter-war period. In this article, I discuss Angela Vode's political activities and feminist thought. Vode, a founding member of the Slovenian Communist party in the 1920s, was excluded from the Communist party in 1939 because she opposed the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact. She took part in the Slovenian national liberation movement during the Second World War, was imprisoned by the Italian occupying forces, and was later sent to the women's concentration camp at Ravensbrück. Apart from her Communist activities, Vode played a leading role in the Slovenian and Yugoslavian women's movement between the wars. She was active in several women's organizations and published extensively on feminist issues. Vode's former comrades - fearing that she could pose a threat to the Communist party - condemned her to a twenty year prison sentence in 1947 based on an accusation that she had served as a spy for the Western allies. She was released from prison in the beginning of 1953. However, until her death in 1985, Vode remained politically isolated - without opportunities to work and publish.
After Slovenia's independence from Yugoslavia, scholars began to explore important figures of Slovenian national history who had previously been forgotten. This development - along with a growing interest in women's and gender history in Slovenia in the 1990s - made it possible for Vode's life and work to be rediscovered.
Aus Muslimen werden Bosniaken. Der Beitrag Adil Zulfikarpašićs zur Konstruktion und Anerkennung des "Bosniakentums"
During the recent wars in Bosnia and Hercegovina, in autumn 1993, an extra-parliamentary assembly of Bosnian Muslim politicians and intellectuals voted for the replacement of the official "national name" Muslimani (Muslims) with Bošnjaci (Bosniaks). Since 1994 Bošnjaci is the constitutional denomination of the Bosnian Muslims. Amazingly, the academic community did not comment on this momentous change very much as yet. After all, for the Bosnian Muslims this event is extremely important, as the statement of a journalist shows: "We went to bed as Muslims, and we woke up as Bosniaks." Adil Zulfikarpašic, one of the most famous figures of the Bosnian Muslim emigration, spent his whole life promoting the Bosniak national name. However, his national programme differs from the present interpretation of bošnjaštvo ("Bosniakism") in Bosnia. According to Zulfikarpašic, the Bosniak name is not limited to the Bosnian Muslims, but open to Bosnian Croats and Serbs, too. In this article his influence on the construction of the national identity of the Bosnian Muslims is shown. As well his personal interpretation of bošnjaštvo is analyzed.
Staatssymbolik und nationale Identität im unabhängigen Makedonien zwischen äußerer Anfechtung und inneren Integrationsschwierigkeiten
Compared with most other post-communist states in Eastern Europe the question of the symbols of the state did not provoke much public dispute in the Republic of Macedonia. In the first line it was the nationalist intellectuals of the Macedonian Academy of Science and Arts who forced this debate at the time of state independence in 1992. The reason for this lack of debate is to be found in the peculiarity of Macedonian history. Because in Communist, Yugoslav times Nationalism had displaced Socialism as an ideology of political legitimation and at the same time most attributes of statehood were to be found in the Yugoslav Federal State, language and history and not the flag or a coat of arms developed as the most important symbols of the Macedonian nation distinguishing feature. The foreign pressure from Greece and the vacuum of power under the first weak "government of experts" in 1992 were the reasons why groups of the Macedonian diaspora in Australia were able to force a flag-symbol on the state, which was closely connected with a kind of historical awareness that is shared only by a small minority in the republic. In the interethnic conflict between Macedonians and Albanians, the question of the flag attracted much more public attention. The ruling elite of the republic proved to be unable to develop symbols which could unite the various ethnic groups instead of separating them, while the Albanian minority favoured ethnic instead of state symbols, too. For the moment massive international pressure found an up to now fragile solution of this question with the Framework Agreement of Ohrid.
Nationalgeschichte als Auftrag. Die makedonische Geschichtswissenschaft nach 1991
The end of state socialism in 1990 and independence in 1991 dramatically changed the political circumstances for scientific activities in the Republic of Macedonia. Historiography is nevertheless characterised much more by continuity than by change. This is due to several reasons: first of all, the institutional matrix did not change as Macedonian historiography is still dominated by the Institute for National History in Skopje. Macedonian historians also did not adopt new methodologies but by and large kept within the framework of political history. In their eyes, what makes historiography is to find the 'facts', and to organise them in a chronological order. Finally, Macedonian historians, just like before 1991, continue to focus on the history of their own nation, often with nationalist assumptions. The emphasis on the Macedonian nation results on the one hand from the relatively recent date of Macedonian nation-building, and on the other from the perceived threats to the national identity. Hence, Macedonian historiography is highly parochial and, in terms of methodology, traditionalist.
Austauschbar - nicht-austauschbar. Albanophone Muslime und andere Grenzbevölkerungen des Epirus der Zwischenkriegszeit im Kräftefeld zwischen ethnischer Identitätskonstruktion und Entmischungspolitik
European interest in ethnic identities and groups in the region between Albania and Greece arose immediately after the Balkan wars as several international commissions took up the task of defining the border between both states. By expecting to find such 'ethnic groups' as pre-existing, cultural entities, the attempt to draw state-borders along ethnic lines failed. As soon as it was realized that the border could not be drawn in this way, European negotiators suggested the "transplantation" of groups of people in accordance with the make-up of the majority populations in both newly founded states. This practice would meet with growing acceptance in the future. Albanian Muslims were never legally acknowledged by the Greek state as a linguistic or ethnic minority. Ironically, only their formal exemption from the population exchanges of 1923 constituted indirect recognition. Nevertheless, this did not prevent Greek attempts to transport them to Turkey. Internationally recommended or planned population exchanges were treated as inconsequential in comparison to the regional and international conflicts expected to have been caused by a diversity of ethnicities in each country. The price of such pacification strategies was very high for the persons concerned, but certainly not beyond any price.
Die politischen Organisationen und Parteien in der österreichischen Bukowina
Die Ungarn in der Vojvodina. Historisches Erbe, Schulunterricht und Geschichtsbücher, Rückblicke und Perspektiven
"Antrieb und Gestaltung, Weckung und Disziplinierung, Reinigung und Förderung". Eine unbekannte Quelle zur nationalsozialistischen Volksgruppenpolitik
Focus: (Post)Jugoslav Contemporary History
Intellectual Elites in Serbia. Between Enlightenment and National Mythology
The Interpretation of Religious Conversions for the Formation of Serbian National Consciousness
The Concept and Organisation of the "General Peoples Defence" (ONO) - Myth or Reality? Considerations on Military Structures and Military Culture in Socialistic Yugoslavia (SFRJ) 1945-1990
"She was Apparently more Courageous than all of Us". Angela Vode and her Political and Feminist Engagement in the Context of Slovenian History in the 20th Century
Muslims become Bosniaks. Adil Zulfikarpašić's Contribution towards the Construction and Acceptance of "Bosniakism"
Symbols of the State and National Identity in Independent Macedonia between the Challenge from Outside and the Difficulties of Integration Within
In the Service of National History. Macedonian Historiography after 1991
Exchangable - non-exchangable. Albanophone Muslims and Other Border Populations in Epirus in the the Interwar Period in the Context of Ethnic Identity Construction and the Politics of "Ethnic Unmixing"
The Political Organisations and Parties in the Austrian Bukowina
The Hungarians in the Vojvodina. Historical Legacy, Education and History Schoolbooks, Retrospects and Prospects
"Impulse and Creation. Arousing and Disciplining. Cleansing and Cultivation". An Unknown Document on Nazi 'Volksgruppen' policy